Another dent in SAP image

Etienne Marais & Janine Rauch

Involvement in politics is not new for the South African police. For many years they have had to enforce apartheid laws, but since February 1990 there have been some attempts to depoliticise the police force.

Early last year President F W de Klerk told senior police officers that he wanted the force "removed from the political realm".

Minister Adriaan Vlok, meanwhile, has insisted that the role of the SAP in the "Inkathagate" scandal was a product of a particular "era" in South African politics and that the Security Police no longer play this sort of political role.

Despite recent restructuring of the SAP and the official claims that the Security Branch has been disbanded, most of its structures remain intact, and there is evidence to suggest that monitoring of political organisations continues. The fact that funds were passed to Inkatha after President de Klerk's landmark speech in February 1990 also raises doubts about the role of the SAP's "intelligence arm".

The involvement of the Security Branch in covert political operations again raises the issue of control and "accountability" of the police force.

The present crisis has highlighted how little control can be exercised by Parliament over the SAP – let alone by the majority of citizens who do not have the vote. It has also shown that secretive relations between the police and the government create the potential for abuse of police powers.

Ironies

One of the ironies of policing is that it's the police force which is entrusted by society with the task of investigating crime, corruption and the abuse of power by government officials. In a democracy, one would expect the national police force to be investigating allgations of corruption or improper use of public funds on the part of elected politicians, rather than being involved in such scandals themselves.

Our research indicates that most members of the police were dismayed by last week's revelations. In principle, members of the force, as taxpayers and civil servants, share the public's right to know the truth behind the scandal. In practice, they have genuine grievances about their levels of remuneration and are justly concerned about the amount of public money which is being diverted away from vital public services in support of particular political aims.

There are, no doubt, many policemen at all levels who have committed themselves to building a police force which genuinely serves all South African communities. This scandal will result in serious setbacks to the SAP programme of building good police-community relations. Suspicion about the political leanings of the police will jeopardise the SAP's ability to monitor and contain political conflict.

Good police-community relations are vital for effective law enforcement. This is because the police rely largely on co-operation from the public to solve crimes. If the police are viewed negatively, their effectiveness and efficiency will be substantially decreased.

Inquiry

The key to police credibility, in this context, is neutrality. The police can only demonstrate their neutrality if they become more open about their operations. The public has the right to know what its law enforcement agency is doing.

This is an opportune moment for a multi-party civilian inquiry into police partiality. It is also a chance for the SAP to begin afresh with a programme that will build public confidence in its ability to police the transition neutrally and effectively.

Etienne Marais is a former Researcher at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Janine Rauch is an independent consultant.

In the Sunday Times, 28 July 1991.

© Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation