It's Hard to Forgive -
Even Harder to ForgetLloyd Vogelman
In a country where an average of 55 people are murdered daily, psychological survival in South Africa requires something of an emotional distance from reality. And the quest to escape the daily reality of horror often means that the survivors of human rights abuses are overlooked. For them, the country of their birth is tired of listening to their sagas of pain and torment.
But the key question in years to come is going to be: Will we open ourselves to their stories of pain and anguish?
Primo Levi, a survivor of the horrors of Auschwitz, asserts that reconciliation after repressive violence involves three categories of people: the victims, the survivors and the perpetrators. For Levi, the dead must be mourned, the survivors must be cared for and pitied, and the perpetrators must be punished.
For those who have survived violent human rights abuses in South Africa, and the families of the victims who died, such a programme should penalise the perpetrators; compensate the victims and their families, as well as publicly acknowledge their trauma and pain; and assist them to alleviate the psychological burden of victimisation.
Two features are common to the vast range of human rights abuses in this country:
For the perpetrator, there is the exertion of power over another human being.
For the victim, there is a profound sense of loss - not just material or physical loss, but psychological loss, as self-esteem and dignity are impaired.
Emotional Response
The three key emotions which stem from this loss are sadness, fear and anger. The sadness stems largely from a sense of mourning - something has been taken away, and the void which results leaves the individual with a sense of having been damaged. The terror of their experience provokes an intense fear of the event re-occurring, and of situations which are a reminder of their trauma. Survivors who had an assumption of invulnerability ("it won't happen to me") now have less confidence in their world, and their faith in humanity is either dramatically diminished or completely lost.
The experience of trauma also has other effects symptomatic of stress, such as depression and anxiety - sleep disturbance, sexual dysfunction, appetite loss, irritability and impaired concentration. When these are combined with other criteria (in particular the existence of a recognisable stressor that would evoke symptoms of distress in almost anyone) it is referred to in psychiatric terms as post-traumatic stress disorder.
Whether the individual's feelings of anger or sadness predominate depends upon that person's clinical history as well as on their own situation. The South African social climate, which fosters an acceptance of violence and which has no tradition of democracy or human rights, increases the likelihood that anger rather than sadness, or a combination of both, will be expressed.
Much of this anger stares us in the face every day. Violence has become a form of communication, and for the forgotten and marginalised it is a way of reminding us that they demand acknowledgement for the pain they have endured.
Programmes of Reconciliation
The repression that sustained apartheid, and the wider political subjugation and economic privilege that apartheid involved, have spawned hatred and violent conflict - not only white and black South Africans, but also within the black community itself. The use of black community members as informers, vigilantes or police acted as a major source of friction.
Reducing these levels of suspicion, resentment and violence will require not only a move towards a more democratic society but more fundamental programmes of reconciliation. Such a programme would incorporate, at the very least, a few basic components:
The legitimacy of the pardon of offences: International human rights groups and the United Nations appear to support the idea that those who have violently abused the rights of others should be punished. In South Africa too, there is a strong feeling that justice must be seen to be done. However, in this case the politics of power and negotiation are likely to override principle and justice. The government, to protect itself and those in the security establishment, insists on a blanket amnesty. Although the ANC has not accepted this proposal, it has - with the exception of a recommendation that the crimes of the past be made public - increasingly accepted the position of a blanket pardon on political crime. This position of compromise stems largely from the ANC's desire to move towards a political settlement as quickly as possible.
The ANC's message to its members and supporters is thus likely to be that a political settlement which creates the opportunity for a peaceful South Africa should take precedence over principles of justice and a desire for retribution.
Despite the expectation that the perpetrators of violent human rights abuses will be pardoned, this decision will not be a popular one among those who have borne the consequences of such abuse. If this process is to make any contribution to the process of reconciliation, it is therefore vital that it have as much legitimacy as possible.
Since the present government is not a democratically-elected one and was largely responsible for such human rights abuses, there is little purpose in it pardoning itself. Such a pardon should emanate from an elected government, or at very least an interim government. In any case, there will be little to prevent an ANC government from overturning legislation which aims to render the abuses of the past a secret.
Penalties: While perpetrators may escape prosecution and conviction, they may still face the consequences of their criminal actions. One possible penalty would be to disqualify such people from occupying a position in the public or civil service for a particular length of time. The evidence of such penalties will satisfy, even in the most minimal way, the survivors' desire for retribution.
Public acknowledgement: An acknowledgement of the injustice and abuse that has been suffered is necessary. The perpetrators must publicly account for their violence, and the government, the ANC and other political groupings must apologise for the human rights violations they have condoned and encouraged. In this way, the secrecy of evil is unlocked and society can begin to come to terms with itself.
For the families of victims and survivors, such accounting serves as immediate public recognition of their pain and trauma.
In 50 years time, the years of apartheid human rights abuses will be a distant memory, and in 100 years time there will be no living survivor of apartheid rule. The establishment of permanent reminders of the apartheid legacy, such as monuments, museums, public holidays and ceremonies, will thus serve to immortalise the tragic experiences of the survivors. Hopefully also, the devastating effect of an undemocratic system will be imprinted on the public conscience. The way we present the history of South Africa to our children will have a substantial impact on the nature of future political and social systems in South Africa.
Financial compensation: The most concrete form of reparation is monetary compensation. Although financial constraints may not permit large-scale payments, it is still important to provide financial compensation in other forms - such as free or subsidised medical and psychological treatment, reduced interest on loans for education, home building and the establishment of new businesses.
The "working through" of victimisation: The damage and humiliation suffered in the past not only provokes sadness, it also induces anger. Anger is always expressed, whether overtly or covertly, and it always finds a target, whether it be an external or an internal one. It will be difficult for survivors to vent their anger on those responsible for their victimisation. Unless they are encouraged to express their anger in non-violent ways, it will more than likely be taken out on those who are accessible and closest to them - such as family members. Alternatively, it will be directed toward the self, resulting in tendencies such as alcoholism, drug abuse and suicide.
To counter this, it will be vital to establish non-violent channels through which to express anger, such as support groups. These would provide a channel for the non-violent expression of pain, frustration and anger as well as the potential for survivors to gain insight into their ordeals.
Survivors often need to talk about the experience continually. This can be a source of irritation to family members and friends who are required to endure repeated accounts of the events. To facilitate this process, it is also necessary to provide educational information to family members about the importance of this cathartic vocalising.
It is only through verbalising the experience that the individual can begin to integrate the trauma into his or her personality. This acknowledgement of the ordeal, and the acceptance that the traumatic experience cannot be reversed, is vital to any process of psychological recovery - and central to the relief of the symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder.
A Lengthy Process
Reconciliation will be a lengthy and complex process. Essentially, we must restore the victims' faith in humanity, for ultimately, this is what violence destroys.
Unless we create a South Africa which demonstrates to the survivors that their trials and tribulations have a meaning and have led to something better, we will create a generation of cynics and misanthropes.
Lloyd Vogelman is the former Director of the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation.
In Work in Progress, August 1993.
© Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation
