South Africa our Violent Land
Lloyd Vogelman
Introduction
Over the past few months, South African society has seen some dramatic changes which have had the potential to fundamentally alter the political landscape in the country. There was widespread anticipation of meaningful improvements in the South African human rights situation and an apartheid-free future. This anticipation was further fuelled by the release of Nelson Mandela.
Yet within just three months, the euphoria turned to deep concern and pessimism over the future, as violence exploded around the country. For many, shock and confusion has replaced expectations of a move towards national reconciliation. The question frequently asked is why, at this time in South Africa's history, is violence of such a brutal nature, dominating daily life?
It would be foolhardy to attempt to offer universal explanations of violence in South Africa at this point in time. Despite this, there are some common trends which run through much of the current violence. Not least amongst these common features, is the fact that the vast majority of victims of the violence are black people.
This fact has been conveniently emphasised by the use of handy labels to describe different forms of violence. One of the most common is "black on black" violence. It is a term which the foreign media have also used all too frequently.
One seldom hears of violence between whites being described as "white on white violence". No one described the actions of the French resistance during the Nazi occupation of France as white on white violence. It is time the term "black on black violence" was left behind as part of South Africa's racial legacy. Rather than offering an explanation of violence, this term reinforces racial stereotypes.
One of the most prevalent concerns about the current violence, is the apparent inability of any one party or organisation to stem the tide. In particular, in the wake of FW de Klerk's initiative, many whites look to the ANC to bring the violence to an end. Others blame the "verligtheid" of the "new" National Party for the escalating conflict and call on government to refresh the repressive measures of the past few years. Both are equally short-sighted. For the violence which characterises South Africa today is rooted in history, rather than the machinations of any one contemporary actor - it is the ghost of apartheid come back to haunt its creators.
In this context, to expect the ANC, which has been unbanned for less than five months, or Nelson Mandela, to contain the upsurge of violence borne of apartheid, is simply unrealistic. The housing crisis, the crisis in education, deepening economic recession, mass unemployment, political upheaval ... all these are the product of apartheid and Nationalist Party mismanagement. In 1984, it was around these same grievances that the townships burst into flame. The National Party's solution was to repress the uprising. Instead of addressing these grievances, a lid was put on the boiling pot. It should come as little surprise that when the lid was lifted, the same social problems came to the fore and the pot boiled over once again.
In fact, it is the very structures of the anti-apartheid movement - the street committees, the civics, the trade unions and the local leadership, which the National Party were so determined to smash - that would now have the potential to offer any realistic hope of preventing excessive violence. Instead the legacy of apartheid has left us with organisations, with the exceptions of the trade unions, which command enormous popular support, but which are struggling to re-establish grass-roots structures.
Relative Deprivation
While poverty and social deprivation are prime contributors to the outbreak of violence, they cannot automatically be linked to widespread community violence. There are numerous examples in history which bear testimony to the fact that communities with limited social resources can endure great hardship without this necessarily leading to widespread or particularly brutal violence. It is therefore necessary to look at other factors which help explain the current violence.
Another form of deprivation which exists in any community is "relative deprivation". This refers to the gap between what people have and what they want. There are two important factors which help to determine what people want:
The first is a standard of living they have had in the past or which they are accustomed to. In this regard, it must be remembered that the 1980s was a decade of recession which resulted in an ever-contracting job market and unprecedented levels of unemployment. As people became poorer, the decline in their standard of living became a source of immense frustration.
The second factor is comparisons individuals make with others. In middle class consumerist terms, this is expressed as "keeping up with the Jones's." But who for example, do poverty-stricken black youth compare themselves to? Almost inevitably they compare themselves to their fellow white South Africans, and inevitably, they don't like what they see. They see an extremely affluent and politically privileged community which they believe built its wealth on oppression and cheap black labour, some of which was provided by their parents. But comparisons are also made in relation to other members of the black community. For the poor and unemployed and a generation of youth that had little economically, socially and educationally, these members of the black community with jobs, cars, businesses or even university degrees are not merely a source of respect. They are also a source of envy and anger.
The anger is magnified when wealth is seen to have been obtained through collaborating with the apartheid system and at the expense of other members of the black community. This helps to explain the killing and necklacing of black community councillors, particularly during the 1984-6 period.
Awaiting a Better Future - Increased Expectations
The shift by the state away from the strategy of repression together with the unbanning of the ANC, has provided black people with a strong expectation that the transfer of political power will soon be achieved. Access to political power goes hand in hand with a belief that living conditions will be substantially improved.
Any delay in meeting these raised expectations is likely to cause heightened frustration and increase the potential for violence. Rising expectations do not in themselves lead to violence - unmet expectations are much more likely to do so. This problem may also plague a post-apartheid government. Failure to deliver on promises finally catches up with any organisation, party or government, be it in one year or ten.
Youth and Violence
In all societies the population grouping with the greatest investment in the future is the youth. However, for many black South African youngsters, a life of deprivation, limited opportunity, and little chance of economic enhancement makes them care more about the present than the future. This, together with some of the features that go with the psychology of youth, help explain why this population grouping are most likely to participate in violence. housing, channels through which social contributions can be made and which provide people with a real sense that they are capable of influencing political developments without resorting to violence. One means to do this is the establishment of a democratic government. Social transformation cannot wait for the end of apartheid or a negotiated settlement, it is a process which must begin immediately. It is essential that the majority of South Africans are given a greater sense of control over their own lives.
One of the most important ways of achieving this is to attempt to rebuild local level organisations. It is only respected local leadership figures who share the same townships with the local residents, who can really win their confidence and who can assert a disciplined approach.
Even this is never sufficient unless there is effective, just and unbiased policing. In the South African context, this has been virtually an impossibility. For the majority of South Africans, the "security forces", be they the SADF, the SAP, or the municipal police forces, have been associated with the legacy of apartheid repression. Police violence, detention without trial and hit squads alleged to have been involved in political assassinations, have not done anything to inspire the confidence of the people in law enforcement.
The loss of confidence in the forces of "law and order" makes people more inclined to take the law into their own hands. Informal revenge replaces formal policing with the inevitable consequence of excessive brutality. South Africa can look to the violence in Natal and the daily death count to see the shocking and sad effects of the politics and psychology of revenge. The perpetrators are not only extracting justice - they are giving public warning of alternative systems of enforcement which are in operation, be it to stem increasing crime, or to extract personal revenge. The only solution to this phenomenon is the development of a police force which inspires the confidence of the public. Channels for conflict resolution need to be opened up rather than closed down.
A comprehensive welfare system is another necessity. Inevitably South Africa is vulnerable to its economic history, and to local and international economic pressures. These factors make provision of employment and the creation of wealth more difficult. A welfare system which takes care of the unemployed and the less privileged, helps offset the frustration and desperation that comes with economic impoverishment. However, a welfare system of this sort requires enormous financial resources. The building of such a welfare net is therefore a vital task of those planning the post-apartheid economy.
What of crime? South Africa has more than thirty two murders per day. In the Witwatersrand it is almost ten per day. This is twice the average murder rate of New York City. Yet despite this heightened incidence of murder and the ever-increasing possibility that women will be raped in their lifetimes, there is no substantial anti-crime programme (as distinct from "an operation") in South Africa. The government don't have one, and the ANC also do not appear to have developed any comprehensive anti-crime programme.
Anti-crime programmes require not only long-term planning but also a number of short term solutions. Let me list just a few. The first is better policing. This requires more police and better trained policemen. We need better trained policemen to deal with the thousands of victims of crime. It would be incredibly brave for a black women in her forties to report that she has been raped to a nineteen year old male policemen who subscribes to rape myths such as women look for rape. Both the poor training of policemen in dealing with certain crimes and their lack of credibility within the black community often lead to an under reporting of crime. The less crime is reported the less offenders will be apprehended. And the less offenders are apprehended the more confidence they will have that they can repeat their offence without arrest or conviction. This process does a lot to heighten the incidence of violent crime in South Africa.
One way of encouraging reporting is to provide therapeutic and legal assistance to victims. Often in the desire to apprehend the offender the needs and circumstance of the victim is forgotten. The effect of victimisation can be quite devastating. And although many crime victims are believed to resolve the trauma of victimisation within six months to a year, many long term chronic stress as manifested in the psychiatric disorder known as post traumatic stress disorder. The characteristics of this disorder include: re-experiencing the trauma via memories or dreams, sleep disturbance; memory and concentration impairment; and avoidance of activities associated with the event.
Another vital solution to violence in South Africa is prison rehabilitation for the offenders. The latter is almost non-existent or at best ineffective in South Africa. According to the National Institute of Crime Rehabilitation, seventy-two percent of our prisoners have been in jail before. This compares, for example, with eleven per cent in the Netherlands.
In fact, such is the nature of our prisons that it may even be contributing to the incidence of crime. We are desperate for prison reform in South Africa, something which the major political actors have not even begun to deal with. It will probably have to take a massive explosion of violence in the prisons, as occurred in England recently for serious attention to be given to the problem. It is very likely that such an explosion will occur in the near future.
Finally, South Africans need to create a non-violent culture. Inevitably, as violence increases people feel a need to defend themselves. A reduction of the threat will come with some of the suggestions that have already been made. But there are other things that need to be done as well. We need to tighten up on gun control. Last year, over three hundred new gun licenses were issued daily. More than half of white homes have guns.
Being in South Africa one cannot but have noticed the proud statements of the ultra right that they are ready for war and their continual parading of their weapons. I have given little attention to the violence of the ultra right wing and fascist movements in South Africa. That subject demands a paper of its own. However, if violence is to be reduced in South Africa, the police need to be seen as acting in a racially fair manner. Thus embarking on an anti-crime programme in Thabong and confiscating weapons and not doing so in Welkom where numerous whites are not carrying knob kieries or knives but guns will merely reduce the credibility of the police in they eyes of the majority of South Africans.
However, a non-violent culture will take a long time to establish, especially in a macho society such as ours. This demands ongoing research, critical and self-critical evaluation, policy formation, national campaigns and, most importantly, action on all the issues raised above.
It is understandable that we would prefer not to see the deeply disturbing perspectives of humanity which apartheid and the current climate of violence has revealed. Everyday we experience the violence and destructiveness of human beings and the powerlessness of victims. But we must face this situation and the foundation on which it is built. To deny the roots of violence in South Africa is to make oneself vulnerable to the very dangers which we are currently struggling to explain and attempting to avoid.
Lloyd Vogelman is a founder and former Director of the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation.
Keynote address to the Annual General Meeting of the National Institute for Crime Prevention and Reintegration of Offenders, Carlton Centre, Johannesburg, 1990.
© Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation
