The Pathway to Murder:
A Social Psychological Study of the
Evolution of Violence in an Industrial Dispute

by Lloyd Vogelman

Thesis submitted to the University of London for the degree of Ph.D in the Department of Organizational Psychology, Faculty of Science, Birkbeck College, 1995.

Lloyd Vogelman is a founder and former Director of the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation.

Contents Acknowledgements Abstract Chapter One: Introduction 1. Historical sources of impoverishment    1.1 Resistance 2. Definition of violence 3. Violence in South Africa    3.1 Political violence, 1984-88    3.2 Crowd violence and burnings    3.3 Repression, judicial executions and crowd violence    3.4 The government's ideological use of crowd violence and necklacings 4. Motivation for research 5. Analytical framework 6. Method    6.1 Case study method    6.2 Ethical considerations    6.3 Access    6.4 Confidentiality    6.5 Language    6.6 Race and trust    6.7 Focused interview    6.8 Other sources of research information 7. Subjects    7.1 Biographical information       7.1.1 Familial history (families of origin)       7.1.2 Familial and marital relationships       7.1.3 Total dependants       7.1.4 Educational standard       7.1.5 Psychiatric history       7.1.6 Substance abuse       7.1.7 Medical history       7.1.8 Religion       7.1.9 Criminal record and participation in violence       7.1.10 Living and working conditions at the time of the strike 8. Chapter Outlines Chapter Two: Literature Review and Model Introduction 1. Literature Review    1.1 Theories of aggression and violence       1.1.1 Biological theories          1.1.1.1 Brain pathology          1.1.1.2 Neurotransmitters          1.1.1.3 Hormonal theories          1.1.1.4 Assessment of biological theories          1.1.1.5 Ethological approach       1.1.2 Developmental theories       1.1.3 Cultural theories          1.1.3.1 Cultures of violence          1.1.3.2 Subcultures of violence          1.1.3.3 The psychological and social rewards of committing violence       1.1.4 Theories relating violence to crowds and groups          1.1.4.1 Violence and the irrationality of crowds          1.1.4.2 Authorization          1.1.4.3 Conformity          1.1.4.4 Targets of violence and intergroup conflict          1.1.4.5 Dehumanisation          1.1.4.6 Physical influences on crowd and group violence             1.1.4.6.1 Overcrowding             1.1.4.6.2 Temperature       1.1.5 Privation theories       1.1.6 Relative deprivation theories 2. Conceptual Framework: The Nine Phase Social Psychological Model of Violence    2.1 Phase One: Hardship    2.2 Phase Two: Deprivation       2.2.1 Politicisation       2.2.2 Relative deprivation    2.3 Phase Three: Anger and Circumspect Non-Violent Protest    2.4 Phase Four: Frustration       2.4.1 Frustration and the intensification of deprivation    2.5 Phase Five: Militant Aggression    2.6 Phase Six: Frustration despite the use of Militant Aggression and the Continuation and Intensification of Deprivation    2.7 Phase Seven: Violence       2.7.1 Contingent conditions that facilitate the choice of violent behaviour          2.7.1.1 The lack of alternatives and desperation          2.7.1.2 Belief in violence          2.7.1.3 Risk and self sacrifice          2.7.1.4 Legal consequences, detection and opportunity             2.7.1.4.1 Effectiveness of law and order agencies and the judiciary             2.7.1.4.2 Geography of the scene of the offence             2.7.1.4.3 Transport facilities             2.7.1.4.4 Time of day             2.7.1.4.5 Access to and availability of different weapons             2.7.1.4.6 Age and sex of the offenders             2.7.1.4.7 Substance abuse             2.7.1.4.8 The social sanction of violence          2.7.1.5 The social consequences of violence          2.7.1.6 Cultures and subcultures of violence          2.7.1.7 Acceding to norms          2.7.1.8 Physical influences on violent behaviour             2.7.1.8.1 Overcrowding             2.7.1.8.2 Temperature          2.7.1.9 The psychological and social benefits of committing violence       2.7.2 Targets of violence       2.7.3 The maintenance of violence    2.8 Phase Eight: Frustration Despite the Use of Violence    2.9 Phase Nine: More Extreme Violence Conclusion Diagram: Nine phase social psychological model of violence Chapter Three: Strike Diary Chapter Four: Hardship, Deprivation, Circumspect Non-Violent Protest and Frustration Introduction Phases One and Two: Hardship and Deprivation 1. Politicisation 2. Political deprivation    2.1 Perceptions of central government    2.2 Perceptions of homeland government    2.3 Perceptions of local government    2.4 Political deprivation, striking and violence 3. Occupational and economic deprivation    3.1 Deprivation and work dissatisfaction at SATS       3.1.1 Poor wages          3.1.1.1 Wages and self concept          3.1.1.2 Wages, social comparisons and discontent          3.1.1.3 Wages and violence       3.1.2 Racism at SATS       3.1.3 Lack of promotion opportunities       3.1.4 Disciplinary measures 4. Social deprivation    4.1 Social deprivation and violence Phases Three and Four: Anger, Circumspect Non-Violent Protest and Frustration Chapter Five: Militant Aggression and Violence Introduction 1. Models and Theories of Strike Causation and their Relevance to the Eight 2. Phase Five: Militant Aggression - The Strike    2.1 Regular contact with other strikers during the strike 3. Phase Six: Frustration Despite the Use of Militant Aggression    3.1 Internal sources of frustration       3.1.1 Expectations in the context of power imbalances       3.1.2 Expectations about negotiations and duration of the strike       3.1.3 Expectations about payment whilst on strike       3.1.4 Expectations about unanimous support for the strike    3.2 External agents of frustration       3.2.1 Strike breakers          3.2.1.1 Black strike breakers          3.2.1.2 White strike breakers       3.2.2 SATS          3.2.2.1 Supervisors' non-acknowledgement of grievance and protest          3.2.2.2 Length of disputes and proliferation of demands          3.2.2.3 Failure to keep channels of communication open          3.2.2.4 Management's false claim of neutrality          3.2.2.5 Unilateral decision making          3.2.2.6 Equivocation about negotiation with the strikers and refusal          to negotiate with SAHRWU          3.2.2.7 Refusal to accept neutral third party intervention          3.2.2.8 lack of consistency, trust and skill in negotiations          3.2.2.9 Termination of negotiations       3.2.3 The police          3.2.3.1 Interference, interdicts and violence at the depots          3.2.3.2 Police presence outside COSATU House       3.2.4 "Positive distinctiveness", stereotyping and unitary view of the       three sources of external frustration    3.3 Continuation and intensification of deprivation       3.3.1 Relative deprivation in relation to non-strikers 4. Phase Seven: Violence    4.1 Contingent conditions that facilitate the choice of violent behaviour       4.1.1 The lack of alternatives and desperation       4.1.2 The belief in the efficacy of violence       4.1.3 Risk and self sacrifice          4.1.3.1 Physical risks          4.1.3.2 Social risks and the subculture of violence amongst the strikers       4.1.4 Physical environment          4.1.4.1 Overcrowding          4.1.4.2 Violent cues          4.1.4.3 Heightened emotion    4.2 The psychological and social benefits of committing violence    4.3 The choice of targets of violence       4.3.1 Non-strikers       4.3.2 SATS property 5. Phase Eight: Frustration Despite the Use of Violence    5.1 Triggers to more extreme violence       5.1.1 The 22nd April          5.1.1.1 Dismissals and evictions          5.1.1.2 Police killings          5.1.1.3 Aftermath of the 22nd April 6. Phase Nine: More Extreme Violence Chapter Six: The Subculture of Violence Within Cosatu House Introduction 1. Subcultures of Violence    1.1 Subcultures    1.2 Characteristics of subcultures of violence 2. Factors encouraging the Eight's participation in a subculture of violence    2.1 Exposure to violence prior to the strike       2.1.1 Familial violence          2.1.1.1 Modelling          2.1.1.2 Identification with the aggressor          2.1.1.3 The influence of mediating factors on exposure to familial violence       2.1.2 Broader experiences of violence       2.1.3 Summary: The effects of exposure to violence    2.2 Deprivation, frustration, disillusionment with non-violence and the belief in    violence during the strike    2.3 Strikers' shared social identity and common beliefs about violence 3. The subculture of violence in COSATU House    3.1 Initial violence       3.1.1 The public nature of the strikers' initial violence       3.1.2 Leadership's inability to contain the crowd and their countenance of the initial violence       3.1.3 Leadership's opposition to the public nature of the initial violence    3.2 New and more private forms of violence       3.2.1 The effects of the ritualisation of violence          3.2.1.1 The strikers          3.2.1.2 The non-strikers    3.3 The changing face of the rules of violence    3.4 Acceding to group norms       3.4.1 Conformity          3.4.1.1 Uncertainty about how to respond          3.4.1.2 Fear of ostracism       3.4.2 Compliance          3.4.2.1 Direct threats against the strikers          3.4.2.2 Physical threats after the 22nd of April Conclusion Chapter Seven: The Psycho-Social Benefits of Violence Introduction 1. Violence and self esteem    1.1 Self concept and satisfaction 2. The benefits accrued through the victim-offender dynamic    2.1 A new self    2.2 Violence as a means of overcoming shame and humiliation    2.3 Power, control and centrality    2.4 Physical strength and prowess    2.5 "Existential equality"    2.6 Excitement and fun 3. Psycho-social benefits associated with group membership    3.1 Violence as a mechanism of group bonding and validation of group membership    3.2 Recognition and respect       3.2.1 Publicizing violence       3.2.2 Acquiring distinction within a subculture of violence 4. Violence as an act of social benevolence and political liberation    4.1 Defining violence as socially constructive    4.2 Violence as an act of political liberation and self sacrifice 5. Violence and masculinity    5.1 Threats to the Eight's masculinity    5.2 Reconstructing masculinity       5.2.1 Avoiding accusations of femininity       5.2.2 Shaming and the conquest of other men Conclusion: Violence as Narcissism Chapter Eight: The Killings Introduction 1. The context prior to the 28th April    1.1 Proposal to kill on the 27th April 2. The 28th April    2.1 The morning of the 28th April    2.2 Violence against the non-strikers on the 28th April    2.3 Violence in the small hall    2.4 Verbal abuse and confessions    2.5 Triggers for the proposal to kill    2.6 The proposal to kill    2.7 Strike leadership's inability to thwart the killings 3. Planning the killings    3.1 Obtaining a vehicle    3.2 The purchasing of petrol    3.3 The instruction to stab the non-strikers 4. The journey to Prolecon: the first "load"    4.1 Widespread enthusiasm to participate    4.2 The behaviour and mood in the car 5. The first killings at Prolecon 6. The second load    6.1 The burnings 7. Burning and mutilatory violence    7.1 Contemporary political tradition    7.2 Non-strikers and witches    7.3 Insanity and participation in mutilatory violence    7.4 Function behind the burnings       7.4.1 Burning as a form of communication          7.4.1.1 Intimidation Conclusion Chapter Nine: Conclusions Introduction 1. Summary and findings    1.1 Evaluation of the Frustration-Aggression Theory and other literature on violence    1.2 Summary of nine phase social psychological model of violence and the Eight's    pathway to murder    1.3 Strengths of the present study and the nine phase social psychological model of violence 2. Limitations of the Present Study and Implications for Future Research    2.1 Methodology    2.2 Suggestions for future research Conclusion Chapter Ten: References

Abstract

In 1987, during the South African Transport Services (SATS) strike, eight strikers participated in the murder of four non-strikers. The aim of this study is to explore the social psychological factors involved in these murders. In order to understand this pathway to murder, a nine phase social psychological model of violence has been developed. This model is primarily founded on a revision and reformulation of some of the concepts formulated by Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, and Sears (1939), in their frustration-aggression thesis, but it is also based on a number of concepts originating in the literature on violence. Unlike Dollard et al. (1939), and other literature, the model distinguishes between anger, aggression and violence, and it proposes that frustration does not necessarily result in aggression or violence. Furthermore, the model stresses that frustration may occur despite the manifestation of violence, thus leading to more extreme violence.

The model contends that violence is not caused by any one factor. In contrast to many other analyses of violence, it attempts to provide an integrated understanding of the behaviour and it highlights the importance of contingent factors in determining whether or not violence will occur. The model focuses on the ways in which numerous factors in the various domains of life - the political, the occupational, the familial and so on - may coalesce and influence individuals and groups so as to encourage violence. In so doing, the model emphasises the importance of understanding the violence of the eight strikers in terms of factors that pertain to the individual, to the group or groups to which these individuals belong, and to their social context.

The model reflects the experiences and behaviours of eight strikers, and it begins with an exploration of the hardship that these individuals endured in the different realms of their lives. These hardships are referred to as inherent conditions, as they underpin the strikers' violence. After these privations have been described, the study goes on to delineate and analyse, within the framework of the phases of the model, the eight strikers': discontent; anger and circumspect non-violent protest; frustration; militant aggression; frustration despite the use of militant aggression; violence; frustration despite the use of violence; and finally, their use of more extreme violence in the form of murders that involved repeated stabbings and mutilation.

 

Acknowledgements

This thesis would not have been possible were it not for the financial assistance of the Lord Ashdown Trust. I am indebted to both the Trust and its head, Clive Marks, who has given me tremendous support over the years.

There were many occasions when this work felt like an ordeal. For helping me survive it and making it less arduous than it already was, I wish to thank a number of people. First and foremost, Sharon Lewis, who assisted me with (amongst other things) coding, filing, editing and spelling "particuarlily". I imagine that Sharon was as relieved as I was that this study finally came to an end. Were it not for her, I would still be telling the intrepid few who inquired after my progress that I was "busy writing it up".

Special thanks is due to Jean Hartley, my supervisor, for her guidance and also for coping with my abundant letters and faxes. Jean was a source of continual encouragement and I shall be forever grateful to her. Her support was best exemplified in a letter to me towards the end of our journey, in which she encouraged me to "strain every sinew and nerve to keep going and not flag". Knowing me as she did, she added that I could "curse" her as much as I liked but that she would stay with me "for these last final stages".

This study and its findings also owe a great deal to my discussions over the years with Graeme Simpson, my dear friend and deputy director at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. His wit and banter helped in those moments when I felt overwhelmed by the demands of the study and the Centre. Countless other people have also assisted me with this study in different ways. They include: Jill Huber, Brandon Hamber, Ann Cluver-Weinberg and Shula Marks, as well as all of those who granted me interviews. Thanks is further extended to the administrative staff of the Department of Organizational Psychology, Pamela Murphy and Eve Osmond, who helped to relay messages and assisted with posting, faxing and binding.

This study required obsessive dedication and unfortunately this meant that I had to spend a lot less time with those who are most precious to me - the love of my life, Joanna Weinberg, and my darling son, Jonah. The completion of the thesis required their patience and forbearance when I felt defeated by the material or Jean's latest comments, or when couriers delivered packages late. Lastly, I wish to thank my parents, my sisters and my friends who, as they have done throughout my life, have urged me on, listened to my groans, laughed with me, and provided me with enormous support.