Ngubeni, K. (1995). Police Community Study Tour to the Netherlands. Research report written for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, February.
Research report written for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, February.
Kindiza Ngubeni is a Senior Community Facilitator in the Criminal Justice Programme at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation.
Background to the Tour
In October 1993, a Dutch delegation led by Pieter Oudenhoven visited South Africa. The idea for a visit by a South African delegation to study policing in the Netherlands was first raised, and three organisations – Community Peace Foundation, the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), and the Policing Research Project were asked to act as contact organisations in South Africa.1 In the Netherlands the Stichting Maatschappij en Politie (SMP) were asked to facilitate the visit.2 The tour was fully sponsored by the Dutch government. The aim being to expose both the police, and civilians to various aspects of policing systems in the Netherlands. This report will not deal with the lesson learned in detail, but it will give the summary of the presentations, and experiences of the delegates in the Netherlands. These presentations includes: Community-policing in the Netherlands, police unions in the Netherlands, managing change in the Netherlands, political control, and accountability of the police in the Netherlands, police organisation, and structure the social context of Dutch policing, public order policing in the Netherlands, police training in the Netherlands and minority and positive action in the Dutch police.
The Policing of the Netherlands
Community-Police Relations in the Netherlands
The Dutch Police have a dualistic approach towards policing – ie. they recognise that there are two types of policing, social policing, and law enforced policing. "Community Policing" is practised on an informal basis where contact between the police, and the public is made by neighbourhood teams of police officers, or by community liaison officers who work in that neighbourhood. Contact is also made with neighbourhood watch or other local safety structures (Moor Gunther L 1994).
The social role of the police is most evident in various special projects. In these social projects, the police identify specific problems, or needs of the community and have them addressed by mobilising other formal institutions, or informal structures to assist them (Moor Gunther L 1994). The police, therefore, network with other agencies in an attempt to assist the community to solve problems. The specific problems of ethnic minority groups are also addressed in this manner. Due to this process the social integration of the police into society takes place. Value is placed on the principle of the police "knowing and being known". The Dutch police can be described as problem solvers, and practitioners of pro-active policing.
The delegation witnesses the visibility of the police on patrol, on foot, bicycle, horseback, and in vehicles. Emphasis is placed on the policemen, and police-women on the beat. The police officers are generalists, rather than specialists, and every police official spends time doing beat patrol work.
It was also clear that the Dutch Police are very tolerant in the exercise of using their discretion, and that this form of policing is very successful. The exercise of discretion lies at the heart of police work in Holland. How the law is enforced, and public order maintained depends on the skills, and judgement of the police officers involved. Their non-aggressive approach is intended to defuse volatile situations even in dealing with riotous crowds – this is understood as smart policing, not "soft" policing.
The Dutch police have a general approach to their relationship with the public, not an organisational concept or model of "community policing". Although there is a move towards a true partnership between police, and community, with communities being encouraged to be "self-reliant", and to solve their own problems, the Dutch police can still largely be described, as a client-orientated service provider. This focus on the "client" was visible at local police stations, which operate along similar lines to private sector companies.
The transparency of the police is assisted by the various complaints system which provide channels for public grievances about police conduct. However, the number of reported complaints are very small.
Training for this type of police work places emphasises on creative problem-solving, and the ability to assist communities in solving their own problems, thus encouraging them to become self-reliant. Police are also trained to be client-orientated and to be critical of their colleagues. As one of the trainers in the training college put it we encouraged them to take risks, and to accept risks, rather than avoid them.
One of the reasons why this approach to community policing succeeds, is because emphasis is placed on democratic, and social process, rather than on legalistic. The commitment of top level management to this approach allows it to flourish.
Police Unions in the Netherlands
Police Unions have been active in the Netherlands for over a century. As a result, they have gained solid experience in playing a role in the democratisation of their police organisation, and their society. Their approach to union matters has been influenced by the culture of compromise, and tolerance.
During the 1960s, the police unions became more active in issues of participation, and management within the police organisation. Structures of the police organisation now provide for meaningful participation by employees, and unions. The unions have influence at all levels of the police organisation.
Having a stable society, the unions, police organisations, and government enjoy good relations. All parties work together, to ensure that the broader society is served by an effective, and professional police organisation. There is an acceptance of the principle that the police organisation needs to adapt as the social environment changes, in order to deliver an effective service.
There are a number of police unions in the Netherlands, of which we met with three (Kruizinga 1994):
- ACP (Algemene Christelijke Politiebond);
- VMHP (Association of Intermediate & Senior Police Officials);
- NPB (Netherlands Police Union).
Together, the police unions represent 90% of the police officials, including those in management positions (van der Ven 1994). These factors have created a strong union movement, and improved the conditions for members. There appears to be no problem in having senior officers/management playing leading roles within the police unions (Kruizinga & van der Ven 1994).
The police unions engage themselves in collective bargaining, and in influencing official force policy. Unions generally reach agreements among themselves prior to negotiations with management or government (Kruizinga 1994).
In 1993, the unions started preparing a new policy plan for their members, and are actively participating in the recent re-organisation of the Dutch Police (van Duyn 1994).
Managing Change in the Netherlands
In understanding the change process in the Dutch Police, it is necessary to understand the context of other social changes in Dutch society, and to appreciate the importance of the concept of tolerance in all aspects of life in the Netherlands (van der Vijver 1994).
In examining the police organisations in the 1970s, the following features were found, provoking a new movement for change (van der Vijver 1994):
- pyramid structure;
- concentrations of responsibility;
- overly formal planning and management styles.
To address these, and other problems, change processes were planned and designed. This commences in 1977, and by 1988 results were evident (van der Steege 1994). Police developed mission statements, and goals were developed by reasonable time frames for restructuring of the police organisations. They communicated ideas about change throughout the police structures, and implementation, and feedback mechanisms were put in place (van der Vijver 1994).
By 1988, the following changes were evident (van der Steege 1994):
- geographic decentralisation within the police force;
- flatter organisation;
- spreading of responsibilities;
- management by objectives.
Due to the new Police Act of 1994, further, restructuring of the Dutch Police has taken place during recent years. In fact, 'the angry young men' who pushed for change in the 1970s, have become the leaders of today's police forces (van der Vijver 1994). Change has become a regular feature of the police organisations in Holland. Police officers who we met were enthusiastic about change, and development in their organisations. In, particular, they have been able to identify resistance to change, and to develop methods of overcoming resistance to change.
Key conditions for change were listed as follows (van der Vijver 1994):
- the commitment of the top leadership to change;
- a team of respected managers/leaders to guide the process;
- internal, and external networks and communication;
- a budget for the change process;
- an educational strategy for the police concerning change;
- access to effective forms of communication.
Political Control and Accountability of the Police in the Netherlands
The system of political control, and accountability of the Dutch Police has developed out of the democratic system of Dutch society over a period of one hundred and fifty years (Brand 1994). A "triangular" structure, consisting of the Minister of the Interior, the Minister of Justice, and the Chiefs of Police, has national control over the police (Grewel 1994). This ensures the political, and judicial accountability of the police explains the chief of the police of Haaglanden.
In each of the regional forces, the triangle of democratic political control is replicated (Grewel 1994): the force is controlled by the Mayor of the largest town in the region (who heads the triangle), the Chief Public Prosecutor, and the Chief of Police. This Mayor, may also take decisions about the deployment of the police resources between the various districts in the region.
At the local level, the mayor of the town, the local public prosecutor, and the local district police chief form the triangle (Grewel 1994).
The local mayor is answerable to the (elected) local government – city council or municipality. The Mayor is appointed by the Queen, on the recommendation of the Minister of Interior (Grewel 1994). The local government, represented by the Mayor, is responsible for public safety and order. For this reason, the police chief must consult the Mayor about any action or plan concerning public order.
The Public Prosecutor is responsible for the administration of justice, and law enforcement functions of the police. They must ensure that all actions taken by the police are in accordance with the justice system (Brand 1994).
In general, the police chief consults with the mayor, and the prosecutor, who must approve of any action (Grewel 1994).
The Minister of the Interior has de facto overall political control of, and responsibility for the police, due to the fact that he controls the police budget, and allocates amounts to the regional police forces (Brand 1994).
Police Organisation and Structure in the Netherlands
There is no national police organisation in Holland, and no national Chief of Police (Heijder 1994). There are twenty five regional police forces in Holland, and one small force which is responsible for certain national functions, such as patrolling highways which run through various regions, criminal records, protection of VIPS etc. The "PIOV" ( Politie Instituut Openbare Orde en Veiligheid) is a small national public order unit which has bases at various police stations in all regions, and which is convened when necessary (d'Hondt 1994).
Each regional force consists of a number of districts. Each district consists of a number of areas or neighbourhoods, in which police stations are located (Heijder 1994). The crime rate and population composition determines the location of police stations (Tieleman 1994).
The rank system is the same in all forces (Heijder 1994):
- the first level is known as "aspirant". This is a person who is undergoing basic training.
- a constable with one stripe is still in the learning process but has full police powers.
- a constable with two stripes is doing beat duties.
- a constable with three stripes is doing any kind of duty.
- a chief constable has four stripes and can be employed in a managerial post.
- a chief inspector (one star and one stripe) would take a management positions as would a commissioner (with crown and star).
- a chief commissioner rank with crown and stripe would be for the highest managerial posts.
In addition to recruits who start as "aspirants", there is also a managerial entry level to the rank of inspector (Heijder 1994). These managers spend four years in training at the police academy.
A chief commissioner must be drawn from the managerial ranks, and regional police chiefs are generally drawn from the lateral entrant group of managers (Heijder 1994).
The traffic police are part of the regional police forces, but have special equipment, vehicles etc. (we witness some traffic police driving BMW's and Porsches!).
Detectives (CID) are based at police stations in the districts, or neighbourhoods. They also rotate in other duties, to prevent over-specialisation (Heijder 1994).
The Neighbourhood Teams include officers known as "Wijksagente" who make contact with the community at street level (Tieleman 1994). Volunteers (including youths) are sometimes used, and are paid accordingly. Police officers responsible for surveillance (intelligence) provide information to the neighbourhood police.
The Social Context of Dutch Policing
Approximately 95% of the population of Holland are people of Dutch origin; the majority of whom have employment, and good educational qualifications. Workers are highly skilled, and productive, and pay high levels of tax, which contributes to social security for those who are unemployed (van Galen 1994).
The remaining 5% of the population are immigrants from the former Dutch colonies (Surinam) from Morocco and Turkey, and second and third generation children of immigrants (van Galen 1994). As the first generation immigrants are generally less educated and skilled than their Dutch counterparts, they usually work in labouring jobs. Some of them cannot speak Dutch and have not been integrated in Dutch society.
Dutch families are usually small, and the birth rate is low. Dutch society is highly sophisticated, both culturally and in terms of technology.
There is a stable democratic government, and the citizens are concerned about day to day issues affecting them locally. There is a great emphasis on the interconnection, and networking between different government departments to address local problems.
Dutch society is very tolerant of diversity, most notable in the attitude towards homosexuality, soft drug use, pornography, and the sex industry.
Public Order Policing in the Netherlands
The main public order threat in the Netherlands is of crowds which may become rowdy, or even violent (van Reenen 1994).
The police uphold the basic rights of individuals/groups to exercise freedom of speech, and association, and try to protect those freedoms (van Reenen 1994).
There are no permanent riot units in the Dutch Police. The mobile units are composed of volunteers from the police force who receive extra payment for this duty after specialised training. They are only deployed when the need arises (Oudenhoven 1994).
The training for members of the mobile unit consists, inter alia, of training in the responsible use of force, attitudes, tolerance, negotiating skills, and riot control methods (van Reenen 1994).
The commander of the unit is responsible for giving the command to use force, and is held accountable for the actions of members under his/her command.
During public disorder, the police will make use of force as an absolute last resort. The police act in a preventive, rather than repressive, capacity during protest marches, and demonstrations (Oudenhoven 1994).
Marches, and demonstrations are policed by the ordinary, uniformed police who use no special equipment. The mobile units remain out of sight, going into action only when all methods of crowd control have failed. Even then, they try to negotiate at first.
The approach of the police during marches, and demonstrations is extremely patient, friendly and non-aggressive. Professionalism is the key word in public order policing, with an emphasis on achieving 'win-win' outcomes rather than 'win-lose' situations. The style of public order policing is developed for the, particular, needs of the Dutch society (van Reenen 1994).
Police Training in the Netherlands
The lectures are given by civilians, and police officers who are specialists in their respective fields (Oudenhoven 1994).
The basic training period is 19 months (van Reenen 1994). Students are sent from the various regions, and trained at the Police Schools. They are paid during the training period. Periods at the school are interspersed with periods in the field, during which they are accompanied by a guide/mentor who observes and corrects mistakes. Students are taught to act in a client centred way and to be more integrated into the society, involved in social problems. Students who fail, particular, modules repeat those modules until they pass.
Use is made of role play, and mock environments (Oudenhoven 1994). All practical training sessions are video recorded, and after the session, the trainer goes through the video with the students to point out mistakes. A fully equipped shooting range is on the premises, and advanced computer laser simulation range enables the student to test their skills and be evaluated in realistic situations. If mistakes are made, they are corrected immediately, and the student repeats the exercise.
The teaching style is very relaxed, and students are considered to be on the same level, as the instructors. The training centres operate, similarly, with universities, in that they rent out their facilities for the use by other groups. The equipment, and facilities available in the training institutes are of a high quality.
The Dutch Police have five advanced training institutes, namely, (Oudenhoven 1994):
- a lecture centre;
- police academy;
- traffic institute;
- PIOV (Public Order Training);
- Investigation School.
Management training is given at the Police Academy, and lasts four years. Depending on the need of the student, they can attend, further, and specialised course to develop their management abilities in certain areas. This management training is offered to "lateral entrants" who come into the force specifically to be managers, and to police officers who work their way up through the ranks.
Training for public order policing is given at the PIOV (Institute for Public Order and Safety) which is part of the National Police Selection and Training Institute (LSOP). The PIOV aims to ensure that the police forces are well equipped, and trained for public order problems. The main themes of training are the management of violence, working as a team, and decision making in high stress situations. In order to prepare course participants for real situations, a unique "training village" is provided. The PIOV also provides training for other groups than the police, as well as for foreign police officers.
Minorities and Positive Action in the Dutch Police
The programme included a session on women in the police organisation. In various of the field visits, the issue of ethnic minority representation in the police force, women officers were part of our meetings, and showed us the projects, and areas in which they work.
The decision to adopt full equality for women in the police was taken in Holland in 1975. There has been an Equal Treatment Act for the Public Service (which includes the police) since 1980.
There has existed a national Emancipation Group within the police focusing on three minority groups (Riemen-Scholtes 1994):
- women police officials;
- homosexual police officials;
- ethnic minority police officials.
The three issues are dealt with together in order to strengthen the campaign for full equality in the police service.
The Emancipation Groups have the following aims, and programmes (Riemen-Scholtes 1994):
- to contribute to force policy on equality & emancipation;
- to provide information about the problems experienced by these groups;
- to provide training to these groups of police officials;
- to develop ways of "breaking the habits of bad behaviour" and learning the "habits of good behaviour";
- to provide career development, and support for minority officers;
- to encourage the setting of targets for minority recruitment by the police.
Targets for minority recruitment in all police forces have been set as follows (Ott 1994). (These targets are to be reached by 1995).
- 25% women;
- 10% ethnic minorities;
- 10% homosexual.
However, these targets are set only for recruitment, and the target proportions are not applied at the senior levels of the police forces.
I believe that target-setting could be useful in the South African Police Service, particularly, to address the position of women. It would be important to apply these targets at every rank, and in every division of the police organisation.
In terms of recruiting, and empowering ethnic minority officers, special training courses are offered which aim to inform about Dutch society. In Utrecht, this takes the form of a one year pre-training "integration" programme.
Three aspects concerning sexual harassment are of relevance to us (Riemen-Scholtes 1994):
Through research, it has been established that most harassment takes the form of "infantile behaviour" in large groups. This is exacerbated in a hierarchical organisation. To tackle these problems, it is recommended that the organisation is restructured into smaller work groups (in which the offensive behaviour of large groups will disappear); and that it is made less hierarchical and military, and more professional.
The organisation requires a capacity for "self-cleaning" – the capacity to identify, and remove problematic individuals because of the, particular, nature of police organisational culture, which tends to value comradeship, and to close ranks in the face of criticism, police organisations tend to lack this capacity. There are inevitably some police officers who are abusive, and "make life miserable" for some of their colleagues. Although there may be general recognition of the problematic individuals, few steps are taken. In order to address this problem, supervisors must be encouraged to give critical feedback.
The standards, and rules of the organisation concerning acceptable behaviour must be made explicit. (In other words, these must be laid out in official policy documents and instructions). In this way, every member of the police organisation can be held accountable for their behaviour towards their colleagues and ignorance of the rules cannot be claimed as an excuse.
I believe that these approaches to sexual harassment could be adopted in the South African context, and that strategies to address equality in the police should be built in at every stage of the change process.
There is much that can be learned from the Netherlands police though comparing the Netherlands police budget with South African police, the South African police budget is a drop in a ocean. The Netherlands police budget is almost the budget of South Africa as a whole. What South Africa can learn is the organisation of police at the regional, and district level, this will help in addressing accountability by a triangular method which involve the public prosecutor, the chief of the police and the mayor of the town who represents the community.
The other lesson that can be learned, is moving away from the formal structure of Public Order Policing, and adopting the Netherlands method of Informal Public Order Policing where we only assembly the unit when the need arises from the visible police to deal with violence. This will help in utilising our resources effectively rather than paying a unit confined to the barracks waiting for violence to erupt. The unit can be retrained, and integrated into visible policing, they can only volunteer to do public order policing, and be paid an allowance into their salaries.
About the Group: Twenty-five South Africans far From Home
It started officially on the 2nd of September 1994, Meeting at Jan Smuts Airport, many for the first time, were men and women, African, coloured, white and Indian,3 police officers and civilians. All with one thing in common – South Africans with an interest and involvement in policing in a new democratic South Africa.
Soon the group had been exposed to the informal, "civilised" Dutch society, where legislation, rules and regulations play a secondary role vis a vis the fundamental rights of human beings.
Meetings were held in boardrooms and in coffee shops, people fell down in planes, and off bicycles, played in the red lights district, and consumed Heineken – all in the spirit of reconciliation and learning. Group tolerance, patience, and understanding were tried and tested as lack of sleep, and sweeping statements became the order of the day.
About the Delegates
IDASA, Policing Research Project and Community Peace Foundation were asked by the Dutch Police, and Society Foundation to gather a delegation of 25 South Africans to visit the Netherlands for a 3 week study of the Dutch Police System.
These three organisations proceeded to draw up a broad outline for the delegation. The following factors influenced this outline and informed the final selection of delegates:
The tour is called a Police-Community tour, but is not a community policing tour in the narrow sense of the word, as it has been designed to cover various aspects of the Dutch Police System, including community policing, public order policing, training, authority over the police, etc. A decision was, therefore, taken to include members of the police as well as members of NGOs and local communities, and to attempt to create an even balance. The police delegation would include members of various divisions within the SAPS.
As the three contact organisations are based in the PWV and the Western Cape, it was felt that the body of the group should consist of persons from these areas, as this would facilitate an on going contact, and influence on completion of the visit. However, two other regions merited, particular, attention: Grahamstown, where community police relations are well developed, and a great deal of hard work has been done; and Kwa-Zulu Natal, given the troublesome history of violence, and policing in this region.
Individuals were identified through organisational networks. Decisions were based on a number of factors, which included:
- positive reports on work done by the individuals concerned, and their;
- commitment to a professional and accountable police service for all South Africans;
- ability to absorb information and engage a wide range of people;
- ability to make critical assessments;
- willingness to give thorough, and detailed feedback after the tour, in their own divisions as well as externally.
A complete list of delegates follows. There was an attempt to maintain a reasonable balance of police, and NGOs/community based persons, as well as a racial and gender balance; and a spread over a number of regions.
Western Cape Delegates
Evadne is a police trainer in community policing at the South African Police Training college in Lavistown, Cape Town.
Kariema is a project coordinator in the Bonteheuwel Safety Forum.
Sakkie is Deputy District Commissioner, SAPS Paarl District and actively involved in community policing in this area.
Japie is on the Paarl Community Policing Negotiating Forum and part of an ANC policing policy group in the Western Cape.
Mike is a SAPS Community Relations officer from a member of POPCRU.
Sulaiman is a community safety empowerment project manager based at the Community Peace Foundation.
Evelyn is a representative of the South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO) on the Guguletu Safety Forum.
Aubrey is a SAPS officer in charge of community policing in Mitchells Plain – Cape.
Internal Stability Division – SAPS
Johan is an Internal Stability Division (ISD) commander in the Vaal region. In addition to in-service training, he completed a police management training course at Wits Business School.
Division Human Resources – SAPS Pretoria Central.
Basson spent several years as a trainer at the Graaff-Reinet and Pretoria Colleges. Currently in human resources, and working on a MA Degree on complaints mechanisms and the role of unions in the SAPS.
Project Coordinator – IDASA Kathlehong/Pretoria
IDASA recruited Mduduzi as a policing project coordinator through his involvement in the Kathlehong Community-Police Forum. He is currently involved in assisting similar processes in the PWV, and particularly, in the East Rand.
Thabo has been appointed to the Kathorus Task Group established to address the violence, and instability in this section of the East Rand. He is also a board member, and development facilitator of the Independent Mediation Services of South Africa (IMSSA).
Kindiza is based at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation at the University of the Witwatersrand as a researcher for the Policing Research Project. He is currently coordinating a project involving the establishment of Community-Police Forums in the PWV.
Sipho has been very active in Community-Police relations in the Vaal, particularly in establishing a Community-Police Forum in Evaton. Upon his return he will be contracted by IDASA to act as area coordinator for a Community-Police project in the Vaal.
Oswald is a SAPS Community Relations officer in Soweto and has played a major part in establishing Community-Police Forums in eleven areas of Soweto.
Bea is a Community Policing project coordinator at IDASA Transvaal. She is at present involved in a project to establish Community-Police Forums at all police stations in the PWV.
Van Vuuren Eugene
Eugene has been appointed to the new National Change Management Team to oversee the process of restructuring of the new SAPS. He was previously in Strategic Planning at Police Head Quarters in Pretoria.
Due to their pioneering work in the area of community policing, the Grahamstown Forum was asked to nominate two persons, one police person and one civilian, to this visit.
Peter is the officer in charge of community relations in Grahamstown and was one of the persons instrumental in establishing the Community-Police Forum there in 1993.
Khayalethu is the secretary to the Grahamstown Forum and was one of the community members instrumental in establishing the forum.
Kwa-Zulu Natal Delegates
At the request of the Minister of Safety and Security, one police and one civilian delegate were invited from the province of Kwa-Zulu Natal.
Captain, Kwa-Zulu Police, Ulundi. Having previously worked in basic training colleges, Thalente is now an investigator on the special investigation into hit squads in the Kwa-Zulu Police.
Phungula Dumisani (Tiki)
Prior to joining IDASA's Durban office as a project coordinator, Tiki worked for the South African Catholic Bishops Conference. In IDASA's Natal office, he is responsible for Community-Police facilitation.
With an academic background in criminology, Janine was one of the founders of the Policing Research Project at Wits University's Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. She has been a member of the Police Board, the International Committee on Training in South African Police; and is currently a member of the Minister of Safety and Security's Interim Advisory Team.
An ANC activist who spent some years in prison, Ian is now an advisor to the Provincial Executive responsible for policing in the PWV province.
Police Union Delegates
Two police union, POPCRU and SAPU, were asked to nominate a delegate to this visit.
Victor is a member of POPCRU and an organiser in the Eastern Cape.
Communications officer, SA Police Union (SAPU), Pretoria prior to his employment at SAPU, Gontse was a teacher and a student activist at the University of Bophutatswana.
Brand, J (1994). "Police and Politics". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 9 September 1994.
d'Hondt, LL. M. (1994). "Authority Over the Police". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 5 September 1994.
Gunther, L (1994). "The Police – People Relationship". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Rotterdam on the 22 September 1994.
Heijder, LL.M., A. Prof (1994). "The Organisation of the Police". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 5 September 1994.
Immel, P.C (1994). "Self – reliant Behaviour". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 9 September 1994.
Kruizinga, H., van Duyn, J.F.W., van der Ven, A.A (1994). "The Police Unions". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 6 September 1994.
Ott, M. Dr, Riemen-Scholtes, I.E.M., Mrs (1994). "The Position of Women in the Dutch Police". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 12 September 1994.
Polman, J, Dr (1994). "Integrated Local Security Policy". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 12 September 1994.
Tieleman, P (1994). "Different Methods of Fighting Crime". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 8 September 1994.
Van der Vijver, Dr C.D (1994). "Developments in the Netherlands". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 6 September 1994.
Van Galen Jansen, J (1994). "Introduction to Dutch Society". Paper presented to the South African delegation in Amsterdam on the 5 September 1994.
Van Reenen, P. Dr (1994). "Large Scale Police Action", film and training programme. Documentary film played for the South African delegation in Rotterdam on the 16 September 1994.
© Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation